Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS Universitas Hasanuddin en-US Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2714-7355 PERISTIWA ANDI AZIS DI SULAWESI SELATAN 5 APRIL 1950 (ANDI AZIS EVENTS IN SOUTH SULAWESI 5 APRIL 1950) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7623 Abstract <br />&nbsp;<br />This study aims to explain how Andi Azis's role at that time led a movement to capture and kidnap several TNI officials, with the aim that the top TNI leadership prevented and canceled the landing of the Worang Battalion to secure South Sulawesi. In this study using the method, namely the historical method, through four stages such as heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of the study showed that in South Sulawesi demonstrators were rife to disperse the NIT (Negara Indonesia Timur), Andi Azis, triggered by Soumokil to immediately carry out his action, then in the early morning Wednesday, April 5, 1950 arrested and abducted several members of the TNI (Indonesian National Army). Andi Azis wishes to keep the NIT&nbsp; standing, besides that there are other ambitions from Andi Azis in the TNI. Because with the continued existence of the NIT, the desire of a number of NIT officials or officials to form a federation (federalist) country continues. Thus it was opposed by supporters of the unitary state (unitarist), namely from the nobility and civilians. The Andi Azis incident only lasted one day, because the TNI quickly took over security in Makassar. This incident caused Andi Azis to be asked to surrender, then the trial process took quite a long time. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Events, Andi Azis, South Sulawesi. Bahtiar Bahtiar Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-09-15 2019-09-15 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7623 MENGURAI PERISTIWA 1998, KONFLIK ANTAR KELOMPOK PENGHUNI PERUMNAS BTP MAKASSAR (FIGTHING INTERGROUP AT BUMI TAMALANREA PERMAI (BTP) HOUSING MAKASSAR) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7624 Fighting among community groups in urban areas is no longer a new problem that should be faced by the community as city inhabitants and the city government as ruler and policy maker. But the issue of fights between community groups has become part of the complexities of city life, so it must be accepted as a reality. Fights between groups in urban communities, such as in Makassar City, do not have to occur in densely populated and slum settlements due to not being well organized, but also occur in residential environments that grow and are built with regular arrangement, as is the case in "BTP" (Bumi Tamalanrea Permai) Housing, which is one of the many settlements that grow in the city of Makassar. BTP with its plurality of inhabitants certainly is undeniable that there is a grouping. Whether it is among ethnic groups, nationalities and religions (race), including the compartmentalization of regions of origin. Such environmental conditions caused the years to end in 1990-1n and early 2000s, at the Bumi Tamalanrea Permai housing conflict broke out in the nature of fights between community groups in which religion was used as a group differentiator. This event was quite alarming because, in addition to bloodshed, also the direction to the destruction of house buildings. &nbsp;<br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Fighting, groups, BTP. Syamsul Bahri Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-09-15 2019-09-15 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7624 ANTARA KERJA DAN SEKOLAH KASUS: PEKERJA ANAK DI TEMPAT PELELANGAN IKAN PAOTERE (BETWEEN WORK AND SCHOOL CASE: CHILD LABOR IN PAOTERE FISH AUCTION PLACE) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7625 Paotere is a port where fishing boats lean back and as well as a Fish Auctions Place in Makassar City. Many things are involved in the economic process in the Paotere Fish Auction Place, including fishermen, pinggawa, pacato and child labor. Activities ranging from fish demolition, fish selection and removal, have involved many children. Pinggawa and Pacato use children as laborers to lifting fish from the boats to mainland and from mainland to Pacato and sellers. Each Pacatao can involve 3 to 5 child labor, both men and women. The children involved in the work, some are still of school, dropped out of school, and some have never been to school at all. Although there are schools in the Fish Auction Place, but there are still many children who do not want to go to school and prefer to work, so they can get money. Then the money earned some were given to their parents, but some are used for their own needs. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: fishermen, pacato, children, fish auctions and pinggawa Iriani Iriani Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-09-15 2019-09-15 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7625 GERAKAN DI/TII DI SULAWESI SELATAN DALAM KAJIAN SUMBER SEJARAH LISAN 1950-1965 (DI/TII MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH SULAWESI THE STUDY ORAL HISTORY SOURCES OF 1950-1965) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7626 This study attempts to describe and explain the views, experiences, and attitudes of oral sources during the DI / TII movement under the leadership of Abdul Kahar Muzakkar in South Sulawesi. The method used is the historical method in general that explains the problem based on a historical perspective, especially oral history, without ignoring other data sources. The results of the study showed that the cause and effect of the DI / TII movement in South Sulawesi was an accumulation of various factors that led to Abdul Kahar Muzakkar's disappointment. Verbal sources also revealed, but the frustration was just momentum, another reason according to some verbal sources was because of the strength and influence of the communists in the community and the TNI, including in South Sulawesi. That is what must be cleared up in Sulawesi, but instead becomes a source of widespread and prolonged conflict. The impact is comprehensive, while the rescue of the people of South Sulawesi during the movement, also varied. The completion of the movement was very complicated because many DI / TII troops were loyal, but many also turned; TNI officers who tried to defeat him, among them were his comrades in arms, they also managed to approach the aristocrats and the scholars, the people of South Sulawesi were supportive. Although finally, the DI / TII movement could be crushed using cultural approaches through officers from aristocratic ethnic groups. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: DI/TII Movements, Verbal Resources, Communist, Rescue Sahajuddin Sahajuddin Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-09-15 2019-09-15 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7626 KONFLIK DAN RELASI KEKUASAAN DI AJATAPPARENG 1905-1942 (CONFLICT AND POWER RELATIONS ON AJATAPPARENG 1905-1942) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7627 The study was to reconstruct the background and conflict dynamics between the Dutch Indian government and local rulers in the Ajatappareng region. In addition, the study also described the post-conflict power relations in the region. Studies indicate that conflict between both sides is lattered by political and economic interests. This conflict began when the Dutch Indian government was about to rule directly over all the kingdoms of the Ajatappareng region (Sidenreng, Sawitto, Suppa, Rappang, and Alitta). Direct domination was meant not only to further consolidate the position of colonial rule but also to master potential economic resources for the interest of the Dutch Indian government. This conflict ended with the signing of korte verklaring, a statement of complete surrender to the Dutch Indian government. The implication was that the seat of authority of the local rulers, especially the royal central nobility and all the kingdoms in the Ajatappareng became the jurisdiction of the Dutch Indian government. The study using historical methods that explain matters according to historical perspective, through heuristic, source criticism of interpretation, and historiography. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: conflict, power relations, and Ajatappareng Muhammad Amir Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-09-15 2019-09-15 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7627 THE POLITICAL CORRELATION OF ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE ELECTION OF THE 2018 LAMPUNG GOVERNOR https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7480 General elections often involve identity politics in gaining sound sources, identity politics that are also used in a variety of ways ranging from ethnic identity culture, culture, to religion. Meanwhile, Lampung as one of the provinces that was used as a milestone in transmigration in Indonesia since 1905 has a large variety of ethnicities and cultures. Therefore, the gubernatorial candidates in the gubernatorial election were filled by people of various ethnicities. From this relationship, this study examines how the relationship of ethnic identity politics to the achievement of sound sources, this research method uses qualitative methods, while the data collection techniques use triangulation techniques, namely in-depth interviews (in depth interviews), observation (observation) and documentation. Meanwhile, the object of research was Lampung residents with a sample of 25 people from various ethnic groups taken by purposive sampling. Data analysis techniques using descriptive qualitative analysis with the results of the data obtained indicate that in local democracies, especially in direct gubernatorial elections, the existence of ethnic identity politics has an influence in the circulation of sound sources. The existence of inter-ethnic kinship in transmigration areas is undeniable, making the sense of solidarity stronger and this can be a gap for the gubernatorial candidate's success team to influence the people in determining the votes. Thus, the role of ethnic identity politics is used as a basis in determining political movements and becoming a political force to get votes. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Politics of Identity, Ethnicity, Election, Politics, Gubernatorial election <br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp; Kaukabilla Alya Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7480 SIRIH-PINANG: PENDEKATAN KEARIFAN LOKAL SEBAGAI RESOLUSI KONFLIK NON-KEKERASAN (KONFLIK PERLUASAN LAHAN KELAPA SAWIT MILIK TANAH ADAT SUKU IWARO, SORONG SELATAN) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7482 Papua is the second largest island in the World after Greenland. The issue of customary land has become a very frictionful communication between the community and the company as well as between the community and the other community carrying clan and tribal relation. The customary land that is in dispute is in South Sorong Regency, West Papua is a forest that is used as a place for hunting, squeezing sago and land foraging together for the Iwaro tribe. Conflicts erupted when oil palm companies came to the area and began clearing their oil palm plantations in the Iwaro tribal forest. Debate over the boundaries of customary forests is a quite complicated problem because indigenous peoples are based on natural boundaries, while companies measure modern size. Conflict escalation is indicated by negative reactions shown through apathy, aggression, and dissatisfaction. In the affected community, this attitude was revealed in several emerging behaviors such as barking, stoning, intentional burning of forests, and various kinds of demands that were instant-transactional. The fussiness of indigenous people towards the company actually comes from the process of "releasing" customary land in the company's concession area. The company considers what they have been done was legally and follows licensing procedures and legislation in the process of taking over land that has been used as an oil palm plantation area. While the community has customary laws that are in accordance with the procedure, it must be carried out by the company as a way to pass their ancestral land. In resolving a problem, the Papuan people still use customary law as a source of law that is implemented. Through this study, the authors analyzed how conflict resolution was carried out by the Iwaro tribe. By using participatory quality methods, the authors see active nonviolent approaches using local wisdom are an important part of conflict resolution without litigation path to achieve a sustainable peace. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Local Wisdom, Active Non-Violenct Approaches, Conflict Resolution, Customary Land Nailuttaris Indriane Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7482 MENEKUK AGAMA LOKAL; NALAR KEKERASAN DALAM REGULASI YANG MENGATUR KEPERCAYAAN TOWANI-TOLOTANG (ELIMINATING LOCAL RELIGION: REASON OF VIOLENCE IN THE REGULATION WHICH REGULATE TOWANI-TOLOTANG BELIEF) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7483 The Towani Tolotang community was able to maintain its local belief, until its move from Wajo to AmparitaSidenreng Rappang in 1582.&nbsp; Decades, their local beliefs were still well guarded, although Towani-Tolotang had to be clever to negotiate with religion from the outside which just arrived. But a series of rules issued by the government around 1965-1967, included; TAP MPRS No.XXV/1966 concerning the dissolution of the PKI and the Prohibition of the spread of the ideology of Communism, Marxism and Leninism, UU PNPS No. 1/1965 concerning blasphemy, until the rules at the local level, included the decision of the Regent of Sidrap: No.AGA / 21/1 / VII / 1966 concerning the Prohibition of Towani-Tolotang Religion, forced Towani Tolotang to leave his local religion and convert to Hinduism. These regulations, intended by the government as a way of the State regulating and protecting religious people in Indonesia, but by the Towani Tolotang community, these rules are actually felt as a form of state violence against their beliefs. Not only because these rules become a kind of means to control and discipline the religious way of this community, but also because these rules had created various coercive actions towards this community. Among those who were recorded was violence in the Malilu Sipakainge military operation. This paper will describe the ways of regulation and its supporting apparatus in eliminating the local beliefs of Towani-Tolotang, as well as how the regulation arose the violence to against them both by state and civil authorities. The violence continued until now, even though the country began to the recognition of local religion. The violence in this current era tends to the form of exclusion of this community. In addition, this paper will also illustrate how the Tolotang community has faced these various regulations since 1965 until the Mahkamah Konstitusi (Constitutional Court's) decision in 2017 on the legality of including local religions on KTP. Departing from the case of the Tolotang Towani community, finally this paper will move to see the "violence" reason that settles in various rules in term of religion, especially those related to local beliefs, while outlining the way out of the problem.<br />&nbsp;<br />Keyword : Towani Tolotang, Local Religion , Regulation, Reason of Violence Syamsurijal Syamsurijal M. Fadlan L Nasurung Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7483 THE RADICALISM IS A TRAP https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7424 The basic assumption of this paper rests on the events of violence that have occurred in the World today which are started by radicalism. The victims were only visible to Muslims and Christians. this teaching is a disease virus that is intentionally injected into religious groups that are opposite through on ideological teachings. The virus has been injected into Christians, Muslims and Buddhists. This teaching is not solely an entry into the ideology of Muslims but also inter the Christians and Buddhists ideology. Most likely it will also be injected into Hindus, Jews and other religious groups. The aim is solely to confront adherents of different religions. The adherents never knew the real purpose was to fight them against each other. This teaching justifies violence to achieve a goal. Islamic radicalism groups never knew that they had been manipulated by other groups to destroy themselves. Radicalism will bring out groups of people who have been victims of violence and groups of people who feel threatened to retaliate or defend their lives from the threat of violence. Especially the two groups of God's comunities will enter into an trap of sheep fighting (bring into conflict) who want to defend the truth according to their respective teachings and defend themselves for their respective lives. Religious leaders must sit together and hold back and say, this is an trap only The research method is carried out by qualitative methods based on a comparison of past historical analysis with current events. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: violence, groups, teaching. Yulisman Yulisman Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7424 WITHSTAND IN THE BORDER AREA: FARMER STRUGGLE “SUNGAITOHOR” RIAU PRESERVE IT’S LAND https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7477 After the issuance of the Regional Autonomy Law in 2004, land concessions in the border area were of particular concern to the corporation. In addition to the changing and increasingly open situation, the land area has experienced a narrowing of space due to the ease with which the local government issues permits in both forest, mining and plantation land concessions (HGU). Even though full authority over large-scale land concessions is at the center, the recommendations of local governments largely determine the process of issuing "licenses/ rights". in reality, the "narrowing of space" in the land area must be transferred to other regions that are politically advantageous, far from the center of the crowd and public attention, namely the border area which is still considered non-monitored. This study would like to illustrate how the strategy of the community to survive and fight defends its land and manages the land on the basis of local wisdom to protect the ecology of peat forests belonging to the community. The model and strategy of struggle chosen are decisive in the level of success of the community in maintaining their land. This paper uses field studies with a "action" research approach involving actors and advocacy parties. As a result, Seven villages in Tebingtinggi Timur were included in the 10,390 hectare Industrial Plantation concession scheme. Successfully resisted and expelled the company which had been regarded as the party responsible for the ecological crisis and environmental damage. Another interesting finding is how the model and strategy of the Sungaitohor and surrounding communities fought and defended their land. The strategy promoted as a central issue is saving ecology and food with a collaborative approach from various parties. And finally, the issue succeeded in delivering "victory" to the local community, and "drive away" the company from Sungaitohor, Riau. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Sungaitohor, strategy for struggle, agrarian reform-social forestry M. Nazir Salim Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7477 KESEJAHTERAAN PSIKOLOGIS EX NARAPIDANA TERORIS (STUDI KASUS PEMUDA MANTAN TERORIS KABUPATEN POSO) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7478 The inability to touch the psychological aspects of ex-convict terrorists is the beginning of the failure of the deradicillation program. Previous research shows that aspects of psychological well-being are very influential on a person's attitude and mindset. The higher a person's psychological well-being, the more open insight and ability to actualize themselves in society. Ryff (1995) formulates that psychological well-being includes selfacceptance, positive relationships with others, independence, environmental mastery, life goals, and personal growth. This study discusses the psychological well-being of terrorist ex-prisoners in Poso District and how are they able to deal with the negative stigma of the general public? To answer these academic problems, researchers used qualitative research with the life story approach. Data was collected through direct observation and interviews with ex inmates and analyzed using thematic methods. The results of this study contribute significantly to the success of national deradicalisation programs through fostering ex-terrorist prisoners based on mapping their aspects of psychological well-being. In addition, this research will also help strategic programs that lead to strengthening the independence of ex-terrorist prisoners in actualizing themselves in society. Jusmiati Jusmiati Darlis Darlis Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7478 POST CONFLICT RESOLUTION OF THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/7479 The presidential election held on April 17, 2019 shows the success of the democratic system in Indonesia. However, in the process, the actors who ran for the 2019-2024 period encouraged them to win political competition. This desire indirectly caused conflict against the community triggered by differences in the interests of each elite group of political parties. On May 22, 2019, the General Election Commissioner (KPU) officially announced the results of the 2019 presidential election which appointed Joko Widodo and Ma'aruf Amin as winners. political contestation for the next five years. On the other hand, the Prabowo and Sandi couples also declared victory and did not recognize the vote count results issued by the KPU due to a number of fraudulent evidence by the National Winning Body 02. Constitutionally, pair 02 may file an appeal to the Constitutional Court for a period of 3 days after the announcement KPU results. On 21-22 May 2019 there was violence in Jakarta which showed disagreement with the announcement of the vote count results by the KPU. Writing this journal, the author develops the nature of descriptive and non-experimental writing. This journal tries to analyze the level of conflict caused by the 2019 presidential election until conflict resolution can be offered. This study uses secondary data types. Methods of data collection carried out by the author using a systematic method, referring to some literature, literature review and identifying various inputs and information. In resolving this conflict, a mediator is needed that is able to unite political elite leaders so that the conflict does not extend to the community which allows internal security instability. Conflict resolution must also be carried out until the achievement of positive peace that resolves conflicts to the root of the problem. <br />&nbsp;<br />Keywords: Conflict Resolution, 2019 Presidential Election <br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp; Jutan Martdupanus Manik Suhirwan Suhirwan Lukman Yudho Prakoso Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 2019-12-11 2019-12-11 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.7479 A CONFLICT RESOLUTION OVER THE CASE THE THE REJECTION OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE AL-AQSHA SENTANI GRAND MOSQUE TOWER JAYAPURA REGENCY BASSED ON WITH LOCAL WISDOMS https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8619 This research is a qualitative-descriptive study that aims to explain conflict resolution the case of rejection carried out by the Guild of Churches in Jayapura Regency (PGGJ) towards the construction of the tower of the Agung Sentani Mosque in Jayapura Regency based on local wisdom. The data was collected by interview, observation, and document study. The results of the research show that the thought of Tabi (the traditional territory of Sentani) as the Land of the Gospel is the basis of the PGGJ's rejection of the construction of minarets higher than the surrounding church buildings. PGGJ issued a statement letter containing 8 points that sparked controversy. The Jayapura District Government took a quick step in dealing with this problem with a family approach and formed a mediation team consisting of representatives from various groups. The mediation formed succeeded in formulating the points of peace based on the philosophical points of Sentani&rsquo;s local wisdom due to khena mbay umbai. So that they could be accepted by all parties, especially the PGGJ. The formulation of the peace points was signed bye the regent and thus of construction of the al-Aqsa Sentani Grand Mosque was deemed complete. <br />Keywords: rejection, Grand Mosque Al-Aqsha, PGGJ, local wisdom Sabara Sabara Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8619 SIRIH-PINANG: LOCAL WISDOM AS AN ACTIVE NONVIOLENT APPROACHES OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION (CONFLICT OF EXTENSION PALM OIL LAND AS A CUSTOMARY LAND OF IWARO TRIBE, SOUTH SORONG) https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8620 <p>Papua is the second largest island in the World after Greenland. The issue of customary land has become a very frictionful communication between the community and the company as well as between the community and the other community carrying clan and tribal relation. The customary land that is in dispute is in South Sorong Regency, West Papua is a forest that is used as a place for hunting, squeezing sago and land foraging together for the Iwaro tribe. Conflicts erupted when oil palm companies came to the area and began clearing their oil palm plantations in the Iwaro tribal forest. Debate over the boundaries of customary forests is a quite complicated problem because indigenous peoples are based on natural boundaries, while companies measure modern size.</p><p>Conflict escalation is indicated by negative reactions shown through apathy, aggression, and dissatisfaction. In the affected community, this attitude was revealed in several emerging behaviors such as barking, stoning, intentional burning of forests, and various kinds of demands that were instant-transactional. The fussiness of indigenous people towards the company actually comes from the process of "releasing" customary land in the company's concession area. The company considers what they have been done was legally and follows licensing procedures and legislation in the process of taking over land that has been used as an oil palm plantation area. While the community has customary laws that are in accordance with the procedure, it must be carried out by the company as a way to pass their ancestral land.</p><p>In resolving a problem, the Papuan people still use customary law as a source of law that is implemented. Through this study, the authors analyzed how conflict resolution was carried out by the Iwaro tribe. By using participatory quality methods, the authors see active nonviolent approaches using local wisdom are an important part of conflict resolution without litigation path to achieve a sustainable peace.</p><p><strong>K</strong><strong>eywords</strong><em>: </em><em>Local Wisdom, Active Non-Violenct Approaches, Conflict Resolution, Customary Land</em></p> Nailuttaris Indriane Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8620 CENTRAL ACEH REGIONAL ELECTION IN 2017 : BETWEEN CONTESTATION AND ALLIANCE INTER-BELAH https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8621 <p>This paper focuses on issues of political identity where the use of the issue of kinship in the Central Aceh Regional Election competition in 2017 is too thick. Kinship for the Gayo community in Central Aceh Regency becomes the basis for determining their political choices, which have a "tradition" to divide their community into two <em>belah</em> (clans), namely Uken-Toa.</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to see the phenomenon of how the Uken-Toa issue is used by the Gayo community as a reference in selecting candidates for the Central Aceh regent in the 2017 regional election. Qualitative research techniques with ethnographic methods start to involve direct observation (observation of participation) and free and in-depth interviews conducted during the research in the field.</p><p>In the journey of its history in Gayo, <em>Uken</em> and <em>Toa</em> are endless issues to be discussed, these two Gayo sub-tribes almost never "make peace". The competition between <em>Uken</em> and <em>Toa</em> in Gayo almost covers all sectors of life, including in the implementation of the 2017 regional elections. But when we noticed again, the political use of Uken-Toa in the 2017 regional election presents different fragments compared to the pre-reform period. At present, the fragmentation between Uken-Toa is no longer to posit both of them as an opponent but makes them united.</p><p>We can see how the duality of the Uken and Toa groups as a mechanism for the distribution of the Gayo community which initially leads to a cultural competition between the two, but at present, it has been reconstructed as a mechanism to build alliances for the sake of winning the election in Central Aceh District. Thus, the paradigm of the Uken-Toa relationship now has transformed from the competition paradigm shifting to the alliance paradigm, and political interest factors are the main factors driving this transformation.</p><p><strong>Keyword</strong>: Gayo, <em>Uken-Toa</em>, <em>belah</em>, <em>kinship</em>, regional election</p> Agung Suryo Setyantoro Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8621 BEHAVIOR AND VIOLENCE IN PUBG FOR CHILDREN OF SCHOOL SD INPRES LAIKANG SUDIANG MAKASSAR https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8622 <p>Player Unknown&rsquo;s Battle Ground (PUBG) is a violent game that is loved by all ages. This game was a discourse that would be illegitimate in the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI). Because it is considered to affect the behavior of people who play it. On that basis, this paper reveal the behavior of children addicted to the game, with a descriptive qualitative research approach using document study, observation and interviews. Findings show that children who play PUBG games at SD (Elementary School) Laikang Makassar. Making the game as entertainment to disturb boredom from various daily activities. The forms of violence that they do in the game are: beating, torture, war, destruction of property and suicide. Everything is done to win the war that will give the satisfaction aspect, and vice versa have the effect of disappointment if defeated. Children who are addicted to this game have different daily behaviors, for children who are play PUBG games no more than 4 times a day, show a daily behavior that is quite controlled at home and at school. They are able to do homework independently, carry out the obligation to read thoroughly or regularly and arrange their own textbooks to be taken to school. While children who are addicted to PUBG, that playing more than 5 times a day, with a duration around 30 minutes in one game, shows behavior that is somewhat difficult to control and often shows anger or rage when there is a desire that is not fulfilled. However, it should be emphasized that the child, does not live with his parents and has a recurring illness if his wishes are not fulfilled.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Game Violence, PUBG-PlayerUnknown&rsquo;sBattleGround, child behavior, game addicts.</p> Muh. Subair Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8622 CONFLICT AND POWER RELATIONS ON AJATAPPARENG 1905-1942 https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8623 <p><em>The study was to reconstruct the background and conflict dynamics between the Dutch Indian government and local rulers in the Ajatappareng region. In addition, the study also described the post-conflict power relations in the region. Studies indicate that conflict between both sides is lattered by political and economic interests. This conflict began when the Dutch Indian government was about to rule directly over all the kingdoms of the Ajatappareng region (Sidenreng, Sawitto, Suppa, Rappang, and Alitta). Direct domination was meant not only to further consolidate the position of colonial rule but also to master potential economic resources for the interest of the Dutch Indian government. This conflict ended with the signing of korte verklaring, a statement of complete surrender to the Dutch Indian government. The implication was that the seat of authority of the local rulers, especially the royal central nobility and all the kingdoms in the Ajatappareng became the jurisdiction of the Dutch Indian government. The study using historical methods that explain matters according to historical perspective, through heuristic, source criticism of interpretation, and historiography.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: conflict, power relations, and Ajatappareng</em></p> Muhammad Amir Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8623 Perubahan Socio-kultural dan Konflik-konflik Tanah di Perkebunan Tebu di Polombangkeng Sulawesi Selatan 1971-1981 https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8624 Masalah agraria akan terus berkembang di masa yang akan datang, menyusul visi Presiden Joko Widodo untuk memperluas jaringan jalan tol menunju daerah persawahan, perkebunan dan daerah pertanian lainnya. Studi agraria semakin mendesak untuk ditingkatkan kualitasnya. Dalam studi ini dikemukakan bahwa perubahan sosio-kultural dalam pemilikan tanah.telah menyebabkan konflik berkepanjangan. Perubahan dari pemilikan yang dimaksud adalah perubahan kepemilikan tradisional ke pemilikan demokratis.&nbsp; Penelitian ini bermaksud menginvestigasi bagaimana konflik tercipta akibat dari perubahan pemilikan tanah di Polombangkeng&nbsp; di Selatan kota Makassar, Sulawesi selama &nbsp;1960-1982. Kajian ini menemukan bahwa akar masalah konflik yang berkepanjangan di daerah Polombangkeng dalam kurun waktu yang panjang tersebut adalah karena tidak melibatkan petani secara individual dalam pembebasan lahan perkebunan. Olehnya itu kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa untuk melepaskan diri dari konflik yang panjang tersebut petani mesti dilibatkan dalam berbagai perundingan penyelesaian masalah kepemilikan tanah. Bambang Sulistyo Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8624 Conciliation or confrontation: Chinese responses to anti-Chinese violence in North Sumatra during the Indonesian revolution, 1945-1949 https://journal.unhas.ac.id/index.php/SSIHSS/article/view/8625 <p>&ldquo;Gajah berjuang sama gajah, pelanduk mati di tengah-tengah (or when two great powers fight, the people in between become the victim).&rdquo; This old Indonesian saying was cited by a Chinese newspaper from Medan in April 1947 to describe the situation of Chinese people in Indonesia. Chinese people had become victims of violence during the Indonesian revolution, especially in places where military conflict between Indonesian forces and Dutch forces took place. This paper focuses on the responses of Chinese people and their organisations to anti-Chinese violence in North Sumatra during the revolution. Concentrating - at specific turning points - on external interventions, internal tensions, and social networks, it will be shown that Chinese people in North Sumatra employed divergent strategies of response to protect themselves against violence. Ranging between expressing support for Indonesian independence and promoting solidarity between the Chinese people and the Indonesian people on the one hand, and armed confrontation and the &ldquo;use violence against violence&rdquo; on the other hand, responses violence became increasingly divided between conciliation and outright confrontation. Finally, the effect of the strategies of conciliation and confrontation will be assessed.</p>Keywords: Indonesian national revolution, North Sumatra, violence, ethnicity. Anne van der Veer Copyright (c) 2019 Seminar Series in Humanities and Social Sciences 1 10.3405/ssihss.v0i1.8625